Some Features Of Indian Sociology
As shown by Powell, there are two fundamentally distinct classes or stages
in human society--(1) tribal society and (2) national society. National
society characterizes civilization; primarily it is organized on a
territorial basis, but as enlightenment grows the bases are multiplied.
Tribal society is characteristic of savagery and barbarism; so far as
known, all tribal societies are organized on the basis of kinship. The
through feudalism, in which the territorial motive takes root and in which
the kinship motive withers.
All of the American aborigines north of Mexico and most of those farther
southward were in the stage of tribal society when the continents were
discovered, though feudalism was apparently budding in South America,
Central America, and parts of Mexico. The partly developed transitional
stage may, for the present, be neglected, and American Indian sociology
may be considered as representing tribal society or kinship organization.
The fundamental principles of tribal organization through kinship have
been formulated by Powell; they are as follows:(55)
I. A body of kindred constituting a distinct body politic is divided
into groups, the males into groups of brothers and the females into
groups of sisters, on distinctions of generations, regardless of
degrees of consanguinity; and the kinship terms used express
relative age. In civilized society kinships are classified on
distinctions of sex, distinctions of generations, and distinctions
arising from degrees of consanguinity.
II. When descent is in the female line, the brother-group consists of
natal brothers, together with all the materterate male cousins of
whatever degree. Thus mother's sisters' sons and mother's mother's
sisters' daughters' sons, etc, are included in a group with natal
brothers. In like manner the sister-group is composed of natal
sisters, together with all materterate female cousins of whatever
degree.
III. When descent is in the male line, the brother-group is composed of
natal brothers, together with all patruate male cousins of whatever
degree, and the sister-group is composed of natal sisters, together
with all patruate female cousins of whatever degree.
IV. The son of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group,
father; the father of a member of a brother-group calls each one of
the group, son. Thus a father-group is coextensive with the
brother-group to which the father belongs. A brother-group may also
constitute a father-group and grandfather-group, a son-group and a
grandson-group. It may also be a patruate-group and an avunculate
group. It may also be a patruate cousin-group and an avunculate
cousin-group; and in general, every member of a brother-group has
the same consanguineal relation to persons outside of the group as
that of every other member.
Two postulates concerning primitive society, adopted by various ethnologic
students of other countries, have been erroneously applied to the American
aborigines; at the same time they have been so widely accepted as to
demand consideration.
The first postulate is that primitive men were originally assembled in
chaotic hordes, and that organized society was developed out of the
chaotic mass by the segregation of groups and the differentiation of
functions within each group. Now the American aborigines collectively
represent a wide range in development, extending from a condition about as
primitive as ever observed well toward the verge of feudalism, and thus
offer opportunities for testing the postulate; and it has been found that
when higher and lower stages representing any portion of the developmental
succession are compared, the social organizations of the lower grade are
no less definite, perhaps more definite, than those pertaining to the
higher grade; so that when the history of demotic growth among the
American Indians is traced backward, the organizations are found on the
whole to grow more definite, albeit more simple. When the lines of
development revealed through research are projected still farther toward
their origin, they indicate an initial condition, directly antithetic to
the postulated horde, in which the scant population was segregated in
small discrete bodies, probably family groups; and that in each of these
bodies there was a definite organization, while each group was practically
independent of, and probably inimical to, all other groups. The testimony
of the observed institutions is corroborated by the testimony of language,
which, as clearly shown by Powell,(56) represents progressive combination
rather than continued differentiation, a process of involution rather than
evolution. It would appear that the original definitely organized groups
occasionally met and coalesced, whereby changes in organization were
required; that these compound groups occasionally coalesced with other
groups, both simple and compound, whereby they were elaborated in
structure, always with some loss in definiteness and permanence; and that
gradually the groups enlarged by incorporation, while the composite
organization grew complex and variable to meet the ever-changing
conditions. It would also appear that in some cases the corporeal growth
outran the structural or institutional growth, when the bodies--clans,
gentes, tribes, or confederacies--split into two or more fragments which
continued to grow independently; yet that in general the progress of
institutional developmentwent forward through incorporation of peoples and
differentiation of institutions. The same process was followed as tribal
society passed into national society; and it is the same process which is
today exalting national society into world society, and transforming
simple civilization into enlightenment. Thus the evoluffon of social
organization is from the simple and definite toward the complex and
variable; or from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the
environment-shaped to the environment-shaping; or from the biotic to the
demotic.
The second postulate, which may be regarded as a corollary of the first,
is that the primary conjugal condition was one of promiscuity, out of
which different forms ot marriage were successively segregated. Now the
wide range in institutional development exemplified by the American
Indians affords unprecedented opportunities for testing this postulate
also. The simplest demotic unit found among the aborigines is the clan or
mother-descent group, in which the normal conjugal relation is essentially
monogamous,(57) in which marriage is more or less strictly regulated by a
system of prohibitions, and in which the chief conjugal regulation is
commonly that of exogamy with respect to the clan; in higher groups, more
deeply affected by contact with neighboring peoples, the simple clan
organization is sometimes found to be modified, (1) by the adoption and
subsequent conjugation of captive men and boys, and, doubtless more
profoundly, (2) by the adoption and polygamous marriage of female
captives; and in still more highly organized groups the mother-descent is
lost and polygamy is regular and limited only by the capacity of the
husband as a provider. The second and third stages are commonly
characterized, like the first, by established prohibitions and by clan
exogamy; though with the advance in organization amicable relations with
certain other groups are usually established, whereby the germ of tribal
organization is implanted and a system of interclan marriage, or tribal
endogamy, is developed. With further advance the mother-descent group is
transformed into a father-descent group, when the clan is replaced by the
gens; and polygamy is a common feature of the gentile organization. In all
of these stages the conjugal and consanguineal regulations are affected by
the militant habits characteristic of primitive groups; more warriors than
women are slain in battle, and there are more female captives than male;
and thus the polygamy is mainly or wholly polygyny. In many cases civil
conditions combine with or partially replace the militant conditions, yet
the tendency of conjugal development is not changed. Among the Seri
Indians, probably the most primitive tribe in North America, in which the
demotic unit is the clan, there is a rigorous marriage custom under which
the would-be groom is required to enter the family of the girl and
demonstrate (1) his capacity as a provider and (2) his strength of
character as a man, by a year's probation, before he is finally
accepted--the conjugal theory ofr the tribe being monogamy, though the
practice, at least during recent years, has, by reason of conditions,
passed into polygyny. Among several other tribes of more provident and
less exclusive habit, the first of the two conditions recognized by the
Seri is met by rich presents (representing accumulated property) from the
groom to the girl's family, the second condition being usually ignored,
the clan organization remaining in force; among still other tribes the
first condition is more or less vaguely recognized, though the voluntary
present is commuted into, or replaced by, a negotiated value exacted by
the girl's family, when the mother-descent is commonly vestigial; and in
the next stage, which is abundantly exemplified, wife-purchase prevails,
and the clan is replaced by the gens. In this succession the development
of wife-purchase and the decadence of mother-descent maybe traced, and it
is significant that there is a tendency first toward partial enslavement
of the wife and later toward the multiplication of wives to the limit of
the husband's means, and toward transforming all, or all but one, of the
wives into menials. Thus the lines of development under militant and civil
conditions are essentially parallel. It is possible to project these lines
some distance backward into the unknown, of the exceedingly primitive,
when they, are found to define small discrete bodies--just such as are
indicated by the institutional and linguistic lines--probably family
groups, which must have been essentially, and were perhaps strictly,
monogamous. It would appear that in these groups mating was either between
distant members (under a law of attraction toward the remote and repulsion
from the near, which is shared by mankind and the higher animals), or the
result of accidental meeting between nubile members of different groups;
that in the second case and sometimes in the first the conjugation
produced a new monogamic family; and that sometimes in the first case (and
possibly in the second) the new group retained a more or less definite
connection with the parent group--this connection constituting the germ of
the clan. In passing, it may be noted merely that this inferential origin
of the lines of institutional development is in accord with the habits of
certain higher and incipiently organized animals. From this hypothetic
beginning, primitive marriage may be traced through the various observed
stages of monogamy and polygamy and concubinage and wife-subordination,
through savagery and barbarism and into civilization, with its curious
combination of exoteric monogamy and esoteric promiscuity. Fortunately the
burden of the proof of this evolution does not now rest wholly on the
evidence obtained among the American aborigines; for Westermarck has
recently reviewed the records of observation among the primitive peoples
of many lands, and has found traces of the same sequence in all.(58) Thus
the evolution of marriage, like that of other human institutions, is from
the simple and definite to the complex and variable; i.e., from
approximate or complete monogamy through polygamy to a mixed status of
undetermined signification; or from the mechanical to the spontaneous; or
from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the provincial to the
cosmopolitan.
As implied in several foregoing paragraphs, and as clearly set forth in
various publications by Powell, tribal society falls into two classes or
stages--(1) clan organization and (2) gentile organization, these stages
corresponding respectively to savagery and barbarism, strictly defined.
At the time of discovery, most of the American Indians were in the upper
stages of savagery and the lower stages of barbarism, as defined by
organization; among some tribes descent was reckoned in the female line,
though definite matriarchies have not been discovered; among several
tribes descent was and still is reckoned in the male line, and among all
of the tribes thus far investigated the patriarchal system is found.
In tribal society, both clan and gentile, the entire social structure is
based on real or assumed kinship, and a large part of the demotic devices
are designed to establish, perpetuate, and advertise kinship relations. As
already indicated, the conspicuous devices in order of development are the
taboo with the prohibitions growing out of it, kinship nomenclature and
regulations, and a system of ordination by which incongruous things are
brought into association.
Among the American Indians the taboo and derivative prohibitions are used
chiefly in connection with marriage and clan or gentile organization.
Marriage in the clan or gens is prohibited; among many tribes a vestige of
the inferential primitive condition is found in the curious prohibition of
communications between children-in-law and parents-in-law; the clan taboos
are commonly connected with the tutelar beast-god, perhaps represented by
a totem.
The essential feature of the kinship terminology is the reckoning from
ego, whereby each individual remembers his own relation to every other
member of the clan or tribe; and commonly the kinship terms are classific
rather than descriptive (i.e., a single term expresses the relation which
in English is expressed by the phrase My elder brother's second son's
wife). The system is curiously complex and elaborate. It was not
discovered by the earlier and more superficial observers of the Indians,
and was brought out chiefly by Morgan, who detected numerous striking
examples among different tribes; but it would appear that the system is
not equally complete among all of the tribes, probably because of immature
development in some cases and because of decadence in others.
The system of ordination, like that of kinship, is characterized by
reckoning from the ego and by adventitious associations. It may have been
developed from the kinship system through the need for recognition and
assignment of adopted captives, collective property, and other things
pertaining to the group; yet it bears traces of influence by the taboo
system. Its ramifications are wide: In some cases it emphasizes kinship by
assigning members of the family group to fixed positions about the
camp-fire or in the house; this function develops into the placement of
family groups in fixed order, as exemplified in the Iroquoian long-house
and the Siouan camping circle; or it develops into a curiously exaggerated
direction-concept culminating in the cult of the Four Quarters and the
Here, and this prepares the way for a quinary, decimal, and vigesimal
numeration; this last branch sends off another in which the cult of the
Six Quarters and the Here arises to prepare the way for the mystical
numbers 7, 13, and 7x7, whose vestiges come down to civilization; both the
four-quarter and the six-quarter associations are sometimes bound up with
colors; and there are numberless other ramifications. Sometimes the
function and development of these curious concepts, which constitute
perhaps the most striking characteristic of prescriptorial culture, are
obscure at first glance, and hardly to be discovered even through
prolonged research; yet, so far as they have been detected and
interpreted, they are especially adapted to fixing demotic relations; and
through them the manifold relations of individuals and groups are
crystallized and kept in mind.
Thus the American Indians, including the Siouan stock, are made up of
families organized into clans or gentes, and combined in tribes, sometimes
united in confederacies, all on a basis of kinship, real or assumed; and
the organization is shaped and perpetuated by a series of devices
pertaining to the plane of prescriptorial culture, whereby each member of
the organization is constantly reminded of his position in the group.
More
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5 _mandan_
Mandan (their own name is questionable; Catlin says they called themselves See-pohs-kah-nu-mah-kah-kee, People of the pheasants;(13) Prince Maximilian says they called themselves Numangkake, Men, adding usually the name of their village, and that an... 8 _monakan_
Monakan confederacy. A. Monakan (Country [people of?]), ? extinct. B. Meipontsky (meaning unknown), extinct. C. ?Mahoc (meaning unknown), extinct. D. Nuntaneuck or Nuntaly (meaning unknown), extinct. E. Mohetan (People of the eart... 4 _winnebago_
Winnebago (Algonquian designation, meaning Turbid water people?) or Ho-tcan-ga-ra (People of the parent speech), mostly on Winnebago reservation in Nebraska, some in Wisconsin, and a few in Michigan; composition never definitely ascertained; compris... 10 _sara (extinct)_
A. Sara (Tall grass). B. Keyauwi (meaning unknown). ... 1 _dakota-asiniboin_
Dakota (Friendly) or Ot´-ce-ti ca-ko-win (Seven council-fires) confederacy, comprising-- A. Santee, including Mde-wa-kan´-ton-wan (Spirit Lake village) and Wa-qpe´-ku-te (Shoot among deciduous trees), mostly located in Knox coun... 11 _? Pedee (extinct)_
A. Pedee (meaning unknown). B. Waccamaw (meaning unknown). C. Winyaw (meaning unknown). D. Hooks and Backhooks(?). The definition of the first six of these divisions is based on extended researches among the tribes and in the literat... 9 _catawba Or Ni-ya (people)_
A. Catawba (meaning unknown; they called themselves Ni-ya, Men in the comprehensive sense), nearly extinct. B. Woccon (meaning unknown), extinct. C. ? Sissipahaw (meaning unknown), extinct. D. ? Cape Fear (proper name unknown), ex... 3 _{~latin Small Letter Turned T~}{~latin Small Letter Open O~}iwe´re_ (_people Of This Place_)
A. Iowa or Pa-qo-tce (Dusty-heads), chiefly on Great Nemaha reservation, Kansas and Nebraska, partly on Sac and Fox reservation, Indian Territory. B. Oto or Wa-to´-ta (Aphrodisian), on Otoe reservation, Indian Terr... 2 _cegiha_ (_people Dwelling Here_)(9)
A. Omaha or U-man-han (Upstream people), located on Omaha reservation, Nebraska, comprising in 1819 (according to James)(10)-- a. Honga-sha-no tribe, including-- 1. Wase-ish-ta band. 2. Enk-ka-sa-... Alphabet
a, as in father. 'a, an initially exploded a. a, as in what, or as o in not. 'a, an initially exploded a. ae, as in hat. c, as sh in she. See s. {~LATIN SMALL LETTER OPEN O~}, a medial sh, a sonant-surd c (Dakota letter), as ch i... Cegiha
According to tribal traditions collected by Dorsey, the ancestors of the Omaha, Ponka, Elwapa, Osage, and Kansa were originally one people dwelling on Ohio and Wabash rivers, but gradually working westward. The first separation took place at the m... Dakota Social Customs
Among the eastern Dakota the phratry was never a permanent organization, but it was resorted to on special occasions and for various purposes, such as war or the buffalo hunt. The exponent of the phratry was the tiyotipi or soldiers' lodge, which ... Dakota-asiniboin
The Dakota are mentioned in the Jesuit Relations as early as 1639-40; the tradition is noted that the Ojibwa, on arriving at the Great Lakes in an early migration from the Atlantic coast, encountered representatives of the great confederacy of the... Designation And Mode Of Camping
The Dakota call themselves Otceti cakowin (Oceti sakowin(1)), The Seven Fireplaces or Council-fires. This designation refers to their original gentes, the Mdewakantonwan (Mdewakan-tonwan), Waqpekute (Wahpe-kute), Waqpe-tonwan (Wahpetonwan), Sisito... Extent Of The Stock
Out of some sixty aboriginal stocks or families found in North America above the Tropic of Cancer, about five-sixths were confined to the tenth of the territory bordering Pacific ocean; the remaining nine-tenths of the land was occupied by a few s... General Features Of Organization
In the study of the organization of societies, units of different orders are discovered. Among the tribes of the Siouan family the primary unit is the clan or gens, which is composed of a number of consanguinei, claiming descent from a common ance... Habitat
Excepting the Asiniboin, who are chiefly in Canada, nearly all of the Siouan Indians are now gathered on the reservations indicated on earlier pages, most of these reservations lying within the aboriginal territory of the stock. At the advent o... Hidatsa
There has been much confusion concerning the definition and designation of the Hidatsa Indians. They were formerly known as Minitari or Gros Ventres of the Missouri, in distinction from the Gros Ventres of the plains, who belong to another stock. ... Industrial And Esthetic Arts
Since the arts of primitive people reflect environmental conditions with close fidelity, and since the Siouan Indians were distributed over a vast territory varying in climate, hydrography, geology, fauna, and flora, their industrial and esthetic ... Institutions
Among civilized peoples, institutions are crystallized in statutes about nuclei of common law or custom; among peoples in the prescriptorial culture-stage statutes are unborn, and various mnemonic devices are employed for fixing and perpetuating i... Mandan
The Mandan had a vague tradition of emigration from the eastern part of the country, and Lewis and Clark, Prince Maximilian, and others found traces of Mandan house-structures at various points along the Missouri; thus they appear to have ascended... Organization
The demotic organization of the Siouan peoples, so far as known, is set forth in considerable detail in Mr Dorsey's treatises(52) and in the foregoing enumeration of tribes, confederacies, and other linguistic groups. Like the other aborigines ... Phonetic And Graphic Arts
The Siouan stock is defined by linguistic characters. The several tribes and larger and smaller groups speak dialects so closely related as to imply occasional or habitual association, and hence to indicate community in interests and affinity in d... Somatology
The vigorous avocations of the chase and war were reflected in fine stature, broad and deep chests, strong and clean limbs, and sound constitution among the Siouan tribesmen and their consorts. The skin was of the usual coppery cast characteristic... Some Features Of Indian Sociology
As shown by Powell, there are two fundamentally distinct classes or stages in human society--(1) tribal society and (2) national society. National society characterizes civilization; primarily it is organized on a territorial basis, but as enlight... The Asiniboin
The Asiniboin were originally part of the Wazi-kute gens of the Yanktonai (Ihanktonwanna) Dakota. According to the report of E.T. Denig to Governor I.I. Stevens,(5) the Asiniboin call themselves Dakota, meaning Our people. The Dakota style them Ho... The Biloxi
The tribal organization of this people has disappeared. When the few survivors were visited by the author at Lecompte, Louisiana, in 1892 and 1893, they gave him the names of three of the clans of the Biloxi, descent being reckoned in the female l... The Catawba
Dr A. S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited the Catawba tribe prior to March, 1882, when he obtained an extensive vocabulary of the Catawba language, but he did not record any information respecting the social organization of the people... The Crow Or Absaroka
As this tribe belongs to the Hidatsa linguistic substock, it is very probable that the social laws and customs of the one people are identical with those of the other, as there has been nothing to cause extensive differentiation. It is not know... The Development Of Mythology
As explained by Powell, philosophies and beliefs may be seriated in four stages: The first stage is hecastotheism; in this stage extranatural or mysterious potencies are imputed to objects both animate and inanimate. The second stage is zootheism;... The Eastern And Southern Tribes
The history of the Monakan, Oatawba, Sara, Pedee, and Santee, and incidentally that of the Biloxi, has been carefully reviewed in a recent publication by Mooney(54) , and does not require repetition. On reviewing the records of explorers a... The Hidatsa
Our chief authority for the names of the Hidatsa gentes is Morgan's Ancient Society. Dr Washington Matthews could have furnished a corrected list from his own notes had they not unfortunately been destroyed by fire. All that can now be done is to ... The Hotcangara Or Winnebago
The Winnebago call themselves Ho-tcan'-ga-ra', First or parent speech. While they have gentes, they have no camping circle, as their priscan habitat was in a forest region. The following names were obtained from James Alexander, a full-blood of th... The Hunkpapa
The name Hunkpapa (sometimes corrupted into Uncpapa, Oncpapa, etc), should be compared with the Yanktonai name Hunkpatina; both refer to the hunkpa or ends of a tribal circle. A Hunkpapa man in 1880 gave the following as the names of the gentes: 1... The Ihanktonwan Or Yankton
The Yankton and Yanktonai speak the Yankton dialect, which has many words in common with the Teton. In 1878 Walking Elk wrote the names of the Yankton gentes in the following order: 1, Tcan-kute (Can kute), Shoot-in-the-woods; 2, Tcaxu (Cagu), ... The Ihanktonwanna Or Yanktonai
The Yanktonai are divided into the Upper and Lower Yanktonai, the latter being known as the Hunkpatina, Those-camping-at-one-end (or horn)-of-the-tribal-circle. The Upper Yanktonai geutes are as follows: 1, Tcan-ona (Can ona), Shoot-at-trees, o... The Iowa
The Iowa camping circle was divided into two half-circles, occupied by two phratries of four gentes each. The first phratry regulated the hunt and other tribal affairs during the autumn and winter; the second phratry took the lead during the sprin... The Itaziptco
The Itaziptco (Itazipco), in full, Itazipa-tcodan (Itazipa-codan), Without-bows or Sans Arcs, had seven gentes, according to Waanatan or Charger, in 1880 and 1884: 1, Itaziptco-qtca (Itazipco-hca), Real Itaziptco, also called Mini-cala (Mini-sala)... The Kanze Or Kansa
Among the Omaha the Yata people are those who camp on the yata or left side of the tribal circle; the Ictunga people, those who camp on the Ictunga or right side. The tribe is divided into seven phratries, or, as the Kansa style each, wa... The Mandan
The Mandan tribe has not been visited by the author, who must content himself with giving the list of gentes furnished by Morgan, in his Ancient Society. This author's system of spelling is preserved: 1. Wolf gens, Ho-ra-ta'-mu-make (Qa-ra-ta' n... The Mdewakantonwan
The Mdewakantonwan were so called from their former habitat, Mdewakan, or Mysterious lake, commonly called Spirit lake, one of the Mille Lacs in Minnesota. The whole name means Mysterious Lake village, and the term was used by De l'Isle as early a... The Minikooju
In 1880 Tatanka-wanbli, or Buffalo-bull Eagle, gave the author the names of numbers 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 8 of the following list of the Minikooju (Minikoozu), Minikanye-woju (Minikanye-wozu), or Minneconjou gentes. These were given in 1884, with ... The Ni-u'-t'a-tci Or Missouri
This tribe, which for many years has been consolidated with the Oto, has at least three gentes. It may have had more, but their names have not yet been recorded. 1, Tu-nan'-p'in, Black bear; 2, Tce-xi'-ta, Eagle, Thunderbird, etc, in four subgente... The Oglala
The first list of Oglala gentes was obtained in 1879 from Reverend John Robinson and confirmed in 1880 by a member of the tribe. These gentes are as follows: 1, Payabya, Pushed-aside. 2, Tapicletca (Tapisleca), Spleen (of an animal). 3, Kiyuksa, B... The Omaha
The gentes keeping the sacred pipes and those having the sacred tents are designated among the Omaha by appropriate designs. The sacred tent of the Wejincte was the tent of war, those of the Hanga were the tents associated with the buffalo hunt an... The Oohe-nonpa Or Two Kettles
Of the Oohe-nonpa (Oohe-nonpa), Two Boilings or Two Kettles, Charger knew the names of only two gentes, which he gave to Reverend H. Swift in 1884, as follows: 1, Oohe-nonpa, Two-boilings. 2, Ma-waqota (Ma-wahota), Skin-smeared-with-whitish-earth.... The Osage
In the Osage nation there are three primary divisions, which are tribes in the original acceptation of that term. These are known as the Tsi{~LATIN SMALL LETTER OPEN O~}u utse pecun*d*a, the Seven Tsi{~LATIN SMALL LETTER OPEN O~}u fireplaces, Han{~... The Oto
The author has not yet learned the exact camping order of the Oto and Missouri tribes, though he has recorded lists of their gentes (subject to future revision), with the aid of Ke-{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}re{~LATIN SMALL LETTER OPEN O~}{~COM... The Ponka
The Ponka tribal circle was divided equally between the Tcinju and Wajaje half-tribes. To the former belonged two phratries of two gentes each, i.e., numbers 1 to 4, inclusive, and to the latter two similar phratries, including gentes 5 to 8. ... The Quapaw Or Kwapa
When the Kwapa were discovered by the French they dwelt in five villages, described by the early chroniclers as the Imaha (Imaham, Imahao), Capaha, Toriman, Tonginga (Doginga, Topinga), and Southois (Atotchasi, Ossouteouez). Three of these village... The Siha-sapa Or Blackfeet
The following are the gentes of the Siha-sapa or Blackfeet as given by Peji or John Grass, in 1880: 1, Siha-sapa-qtca, Real Blackfeet. 2, Kanxi-cun-pegnaka (Kangi-sun-pegnaka), Wears-raven-feathers-in-the-hair. 3, Glagla-hetca (Glagla-heca), Untid... The Siouan Mythology
It was partly through pioneer study of the Siouan Indians that the popular fallacy concerning the aboriginal Great Spirit gained currency; and it was partly through the work of Dorsey among the cegiha and Dakota tribes, first as a missionary and a... The Sisitonwan Or Sisseton
It is evident that the Sisseton were formerly in seven divisions, the Wita-waziyata-otina and the Ohdihe being counted as one; the Basdetce-cni and Itokaq-tina as another; the Kaqmi-atonwan, Maniti, and Keze as a third, and the Tizaptan and Okopey... The Sitcanxu
The Sitcanxu, Bois Brules or Burned Thighs, are divided locally into (1) Qeyata-witcaca (Heyata wicasa), People-away-from-the-river, the Highland or Upper Brule, and (2) the Kud (Kuta or Kunta)-witcaca, the Lowland or Lower Brule. The Sitcanxu are... The Titonwan Or Teton
TRIBAL DIVISIONS The Teton are divided into seven tribes, which were formerly gentes. These are the Sitcanxu (Sicangu), Itaziptco (Itazipco), Siha-sapa, Minikooju (Minikoozu), Oohe-nonpa (Oohe-nonpa), Oglala, and Hunkpapa. ... The Tutelo
It is impossible to learn whether the Tutelo ever camped in a circle. The author obtained the following clan names (descent being in the female line) from John Key, an Indian, on Grand River reservation, Ontario, Canada, in September, 1882: On one... The Waqpe-kute
The name waqpe-kute is derived from waqpe (wahpe), leaf, and kute, to shoot at, and signifies Shooters-among-the-leaves, i.e., among the deciduous trees, as distinguished from Wazi-kute, Shooters-at-or-among-the-pines. The gentes exist, but their ... The Waqpe-tonwan Or Wahpeton
The name of this people signifies Yillage-among-the-leaves (of deciduous trees), the gens being known to the whites as Leaf Village or Wahpeton. The gentes of this people, as given in 1884 by Reverend Edward Ashley, are the following: 13. I... Toiwe're
The ancestry and prehistoric movements of the tribes constituting this group are involved in considerable obscurity, though it is known from tradition as well as linguistic affinity that they sprung from the Winnebago. Since the days of Marquet... Tribal Nomenclature
In the Siouan stock, as among the American Indians generally, the accepted appellations for tribes and other groups are variously derived. Many of the Siouan tribal names were, like the name of the stock, given by alien peoples, including white me...